“In Brazil poverty has a color, and that color is black,” declared Brazil’s only Afro-Brazilian senator, Paulo Paim.[1] As one of the victors in a decade-long battle over racial quotas in public universities, he has been a vocal critic of the glaring economic inequality between whites and blacks in Brazil. In August of this year, the issue came to the world’s attention when Brazil’s legislature passed a bill requiring public universities to reserve half of their seats for students from public high schools. This controversial measure has been met by protests in the nation with the largest black population outside of the African continent. Its supporters believe the measure will begin to bridge the gap between the wealthiest and poorest divisions of Brazilian society. Critics foresee an eruption of racism and violence that will only worsen that gap. Brazil’s history offers insight into this present racial conflict.
President Dilma Rousseff believes affirmative Action "contributes to repaying Brazil’s historic debt to our poorest youth.”
Due to Brazil’s long history of slavery, there is a natural tendency to compare race relations in Brazil and the United States. Although both were once home to major slave populations, the two countries had very different experiences. Trans-Atlantic slave trade brought 4.9 million Africans to Brazil compared to the four hundred thousand shipped to the United States.[2] Unlike in Jim Crow South, segregation was never state-sponsored[3] and free blacks always held a place in Brazilian society.[4] Far from making interracial marriages illegal, Brazilians prided themselves on the number of racially-mixed marriages. As a result, Brazilian Portuguese includes a variety of words to describe the many skin color hues produced by generations of such marriages. For most of the twentieth century, Brazil considered itself to be a “racial democracy” that did not suffer from the same racial antagonism seen in the United States and South Africa.[5] Racially motivated violence and political movements have been largely absent in Brazil; organizations like the Ku Klux Klan never took root and the violent hatred seen on the streets of Birmingham, Alabama had no counterpart in Rio de Janeiro.[6] Without violence, social upheaval, or outright racism, Brazilian leaders managed to ignore racial inequalities for decades.[7]
In 1988, one hundred years after slavery was abolished, Brazil reflected on its progress. Although slavery was in the distant past, a persistent economic gap between whites and blacks remained. Black political organizations found their voices during this pivotal year, protesting stagnation in economic status for blacks.[8] The protests surrounding the anniversary finally seized the nation’s attention and forced politicians to address the issue. Following these protests, the topic has remained in the national dialogue. It took many years for blacks to organize politically, which set back a national dialogue on racial inequalities. Once the issue became a part of the national consciousness, Brazilian politicians started to discuss measures to bridge inequalities. Forty-eight years after the Civil Rights Act was passed in the U.S., Brazilian legislators have passed an affirmative action policy for all federal universities.
Since the data was first collected in 1960, studies have demonstrated a highly uneven distribution of wealth in Brazil.[9] As one of the fastest growing economies in the world, Brazil’s overall economic outlook is very optimistic, yet 45 percent of the population remains under the poverty line.[10] Over the last fifty years this economic inequality has remained largely the same, especially along racial lines. Two thirds of those living below the poverty line are black, as well half of the inhabitants of Brazil’s infamous favelas, or slums.[11] Even in the job market, white Brazilians are paid on average twice as much as black or brown Brazilians.[12] Although Brazil has never experienced the level of racial tensions seen in the United States or South Africa, the last fifty years of census data has shown that “race has a significant independent effect on infant mortality, life expectancy, education, occupation, housing and income.”[13]
The fundamental advantage that whites enjoy is access to quality primary education, which is necessary to pass the challenging university entrance exams. Illiteracy remains twice as high among blacks than whites, likely as a result of chronically underfunded public schools.[14] Public high schools, unlike the prestigious federally funded universities, are chronically low-quality. Private high schools specialize in helping wealthy students win spots in universities. As a result, universities have remained overwhelmingly homogenous. Until the affirmative action policies were instituted, ninety-eight percent of university students were white.[15] According to the 2000 census, only seventeen percent of university graduates considered themselves pardo (or mixed), while a mere two percent called themselves black.[16] University departments for law, medicine, and engineering across the nation were especially prone to be “virtually all white.”[17] These statistics help to explain the fact that 98.5 percent of Brazilian judges, 99% of Brazilian diplomats, and all but one of Brazil’s 81 senators are white.[18]
The liberal government of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso changed the national dialogue on racism. He said in 2001 that for a long time Brazilians “lived wrapped in the illusion that this was a perfect racial democracy when it wasn’t, when even today it isn’t.”[19] His administration was the first to acknowledge racism and oversaw a large number of reforms, including an incentive-based quota system for businesses. Companies that hired more blacks and women were given tax breaks and a better chance at winning government contracts. He also publicly supported affirmative action policies, encouraging states to create their own laws. With the continuing support of Cardoso’s successor, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the state legislature of Rio de Janeiro introduced quotas in two universities in 2001. Initially, forty percent of university spots were reserved for blacks, and half of them saved for students in public high schools.[20] This law resulted in a heated national discussion and encouraged other federal states and universities to create their own affirmative action policies.
A decade-long debate ensued that was temporarily decided in August 2012, when all except for one of Brazil’s senators voted for the “Law of Social Quotas,” requiring all public universities to reserve half of their spots for students from public high schools and blacks.[21] President Dilma Rousseff signed the law on August 29, 2012 because she believes it “contributes to repaying Brazil’s historic debt to our poorest youth.” The passage of the law followed the Supreme Court’s decision in April to uphold affirmative action policies at the University of Brasilia.[22]
Critics of the quota system believe it undermines meritocracy, accepting under-qualified students instead of those who do better on the national exam.[23] They also believe that quotas lead to reverse discrimination by assuming black students will do poorly.[24] An interesting consequence of the quota system is that Brazilians have to define their skin color as either black or white for the first time. Students who wish to be considered black must submit a photo to a secret academic committee that determines if they appear black enough.[25] Opponents of the system consider this step to be an act of racism alone by sorting the population into artificial and subjective color categories.[26] They consider it a slippery slope to divide Brazilians into different racial groups with different rights, thus challenging the constitution’s protection of equality for all citizens.[27] Worst of all, they charge, affirmative action does not address the root social and economic sources of the divide. "I think it’s a terrible system because it attacks the effects without touching the causes," said the head of the economics department at the Rio de Janeiro University, Ubiratan Iorio.[28] He agrees with other critics who insist that the government should instead focus on improving primary education and combating discrimination in court. Their greatest fear is that the quota system will create racial tensions that did not exist before.
Proponents of the quota system insist that racism is a fact of life in Brazil and that only the government can intervene to change things.[29] They too point to the constitution to justify affirmative action, because it guarantees equal access to education for all Brazilians.[30] Although the university exams were based entirely on merit, supporters of the new law say the exams prevented students without wealthy families from having equal access to higher education. Black Brazilian activists are more apt to look at the policy as a way to repay a “historic debt” left over from slavery.[31] The measure will expire after ten years, showing that the government sees affirmative action as a short-term, quick-fix to a deeply ingrained inequality. Supporters of the policy are quick to say that they are also strong advocates for fixing inequalities in the public school system, by raising teacher salaries and building more schools.[32]
With the passage of this momentous legislation, advocates hope to turn a new page in Brazilian race relations. Proponents of such actions got their first taste in October when the first black Supreme Court judge was appointed president of the highest court in Brazil. They hope that giving more poor students a chance to study at universities will in time result in a national political and business leadership more representative of Brazil’s highly diverse population. In recent years, Brazil’s enormous economic growth has propelled it to a status similar to other fast-growing economies like India and China. The three countries share a struggle with highly unequal distribution of this newfound wealth. The question remains as to how to include all segments of their societies in the economic prosperity. Brazil’s experiment with affirmative action, its supporters hope, will begin to answer this question.
[1]Paim, Paulo, Brazil in Black and White, PBS Online, directed by Adam Stepan, New York: Robert Stone Productions, 2007.
[2]“Race in Brazil: Affirming a Divide,” The Economist, January 28, 2012, 35.
[3] Htun, Mala, “From ‘Racial Democracy’ to Affirmative Action: Changing State Policy on Race in Brazil,” Latin American Research Review 39 (2004): 61.
[4] “Race in Brazil: Affirming a Divide,” 35.
[5]Skidmore, Thomas E., "Bi-Racial U.S.A. Vs. Multi-Racial Brazil: Is the Contrast Still Valid?" Journal of Latin American Studies 25 (1993): 374.
[6] Winant, Howard, "Rethinking Race in Brazil," Journal of Latin American Studies 24 (1992): 173.
[7] Ibid., 184.
[8] Ibid., 173.
[9] Skidmore, Thomas E, “Brazil's Persistent Income Inequality: Lessons from History” Latin American Politics and Society 46 (2004): 133.
[10] “The Americas: I'm Black, Be Fairer to Me; Affirmative Action in Brazil” The Economist, Oct 20, 2001, 38.
[11] “Race in Brazil: Affirming a Divide,” 35.
[12] Ibid., 35.
[13]Skidmore, Thomas E, "Bi-Racial U.S.A. Vs. Multi-Racial Brazil: Is the Contrast Still Valid?", 373-386.
[14] Htun, Mala, “From ‘Racial Democracy’ to Affirmative Action: Changing State Policy on Race in Brazil,” 63.
[15] Brazil in Black and White, PBS Online, directed by Adam Stepan, New York: Robert Stone Productions, 2007.
[16] Lloyd, Marion, “In Brazil, a New Debate Over Color,” The Chronicle of Higher Education 50 (2004): A38.
[17] Lloyd, Marion, “In Brazil, a New Debate Over Color,” A38.
[18]Ibid., A38.
[19] Htun, Mala, “From ‘Racial Democracy’ to Affirmative Action: Changing State Policy on Race in Brazil,” 80.
[20]“The Americas: I'm Black, Be Fairer to Me; Affirmative Action in Brazil,” 38.
[21] Romero, Simon, “Brazil Enacts Affirmative Action Law for Universities,” The New York Times, August 30, 2012.
[22] Glickhouse, Rachel, “Brazil’s Affirmative Action Law Marks Path for New Quotas,” Americas Society Council of the Americas, October 15, 2012, http://www.as-coa.org/articles/brazil%E2%80%99s-affirmative-action-law-marks-path-new-quotas.
[23] “Race in Brazil: Affirming a Divide,” 35.
[24] Htun, Mala, “From ‘Racial Democracy’ to Affirmative Action: Changing State Policy on Race in Brazil,” 73.
[25] Brazil in Black and White, PBS Online, directed by Adam Stepan, New York: Robert Stone Productions, 2007.
[26] “Race in Brazil: Affirming a Divide,” 35.
[27] Osava, Mario, “Race Quotas – Accused of Racism,” Inter Press Service, July 26, 2006, http://www.ipsnews.net/2006/07/brazil-race-quotas-accused-of-racism/.
[28] Lloyd, Marion, “In Brazil, a New Debate Over Color,” A38.
[29] Htun, Mala, “From ‘Racial Democracy’ to Affirmative Action: Changing State Policy on Race in Brazil,” 74.
[30] Lloyd, Marion, “In Brazil, a New Debate Over Color,” A38.
[31] “Race in Brazil: Affirming a Divide,” 35.
[32] Frayssinet, Fabiana, “BRAZIL: University Racial Quotas Bogged Down in Congress,” Inter Press Service, April 28, 2009, http://www.ipsnews.net/2009/04/brazil-university-racial-quotas-bogged-down-in-congress/.
In 1988, one hundred years after slavery was abolished, Brazil reflected on its progress. Although slavery was in the distant past, a persistent economic gap between whites and blacks remained. Black political organizations found their voices during this pivotal year, protesting stagnation in economic status for blacks.[8] The protests surrounding the anniversary finally seized the nation’s attention and forced politicians to address the issue. Following these protests, the topic has remained in the national dialogue. It took many years for blacks to organize politically, which set back a national dialogue on racial inequalities. Once the issue became a part of the national consciousness, Brazilian politicians started to discuss measures to bridge inequalities. Forty-eight years after the Civil Rights Act was passed in the U.S., Brazilian legislators have passed an affirmative action policy for all federal universities.
Since the data was first collected in 1960, studies have demonstrated a highly uneven distribution of wealth in Brazil.[9] As one of the fastest growing economies in the world, Brazil’s overall economic outlook is very optimistic, yet 45 percent of the population remains under the poverty line.[10] Over the last fifty years this economic inequality has remained largely the same, especially along racial lines. Two thirds of those living below the poverty line are black, as well half of the inhabitants of Brazil’s infamous favelas, or slums.[11] Even in the job market, white Brazilians are paid on average twice as much as black or brown Brazilians.[12] Although Brazil has never experienced the level of racial tensions seen in the United States or South Africa, the last fifty years of census data has shown that “race has a significant independent effect on infant mortality, life expectancy, education, occupation, housing and income.”[13]
The fundamental advantage that whites enjoy is access to quality primary education, which is necessary to pass the challenging university entrance exams. Illiteracy remains twice as high among blacks than whites, likely as a result of chronically underfunded public schools.[14] Public high schools, unlike the prestigious federally funded universities, are chronically low-quality. Private high schools specialize in helping wealthy students win spots in universities. As a result, universities have remained overwhelmingly homogenous. Until the affirmative action policies were instituted, ninety-eight percent of university students were white.[15] According to the 2000 census, only seventeen percent of university graduates considered themselves pardo (or mixed), while a mere two percent called themselves black.[16] University departments for law, medicine, and engineering across the nation were especially prone to be “virtually all white.”[17] These statistics help to explain the fact that 98.5 percent of Brazilian judges, 99% of Brazilian diplomats, and all but one of Brazil’s 81 senators are white.[18]
The liberal government of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso changed the national dialogue on racism. He said in 2001 that for a long time Brazilians “lived wrapped in the illusion that this was a perfect racial democracy when it wasn’t, when even today it isn’t.”[19] His administration was the first to acknowledge racism and oversaw a large number of reforms, including an incentive-based quota system for businesses. Companies that hired more blacks and women were given tax breaks and a better chance at winning government contracts. He also publicly supported affirmative action policies, encouraging states to create their own laws. With the continuing support of Cardoso’s successor, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the state legislature of Rio de Janeiro introduced quotas in two universities in 2001. Initially, forty percent of university spots were reserved for blacks, and half of them saved for students in public high schools.[20] This law resulted in a heated national discussion and encouraged other federal states and universities to create their own affirmative action policies.
A decade-long debate ensued that was temporarily decided in August 2012, when all except for one of Brazil’s senators voted for the “Law of Social Quotas,” requiring all public universities to reserve half of their spots for students from public high schools and blacks.[21] President Dilma Rousseff signed the law on August 29, 2012 because she believes it “contributes to repaying Brazil’s historic debt to our poorest youth.” The passage of the law followed the Supreme Court’s decision in April to uphold affirmative action policies at the University of Brasilia.[22]
Critics of the quota system believe it undermines meritocracy, accepting under-qualified students instead of those who do better on the national exam.[23] They also believe that quotas lead to reverse discrimination by assuming black students will do poorly.[24] An interesting consequence of the quota system is that Brazilians have to define their skin color as either black or white for the first time. Students who wish to be considered black must submit a photo to a secret academic committee that determines if they appear black enough.[25] Opponents of the system consider this step to be an act of racism alone by sorting the population into artificial and subjective color categories.[26] They consider it a slippery slope to divide Brazilians into different racial groups with different rights, thus challenging the constitution’s protection of equality for all citizens.[27] Worst of all, they charge, affirmative action does not address the root social and economic sources of the divide. "I think it’s a terrible system because it attacks the effects without touching the causes," said the head of the economics department at the Rio de Janeiro University, Ubiratan Iorio.[28] He agrees with other critics who insist that the government should instead focus on improving primary education and combating discrimination in court. Their greatest fear is that the quota system will create racial tensions that did not exist before.
Proponents of the quota system insist that racism is a fact of life in Brazil and that only the government can intervene to change things.[29] They too point to the constitution to justify affirmative action, because it guarantees equal access to education for all Brazilians.[30] Although the university exams were based entirely on merit, supporters of the new law say the exams prevented students without wealthy families from having equal access to higher education. Black Brazilian activists are more apt to look at the policy as a way to repay a “historic debt” left over from slavery.[31] The measure will expire after ten years, showing that the government sees affirmative action as a short-term, quick-fix to a deeply ingrained inequality. Supporters of the policy are quick to say that they are also strong advocates for fixing inequalities in the public school system, by raising teacher salaries and building more schools.[32]
With the passage of this momentous legislation, advocates hope to turn a new page in Brazilian race relations. Proponents of such actions got their first taste in October when the first black Supreme Court judge was appointed president of the highest court in Brazil. They hope that giving more poor students a chance to study at universities will in time result in a national political and business leadership more representative of Brazil’s highly diverse population. In recent years, Brazil’s enormous economic growth has propelled it to a status similar to other fast-growing economies like India and China. The three countries share a struggle with highly unequal distribution of this newfound wealth. The question remains as to how to include all segments of their societies in the economic prosperity. Brazil’s experiment with affirmative action, its supporters hope, will begin to answer this question.
[1]Paim, Paulo, Brazil in Black and White, PBS Online, directed by Adam Stepan, New York: Robert Stone Productions, 2007.
[2]“Race in Brazil: Affirming a Divide,” The Economist, January 28, 2012, 35.
[3] Htun, Mala, “From ‘Racial Democracy’ to Affirmative Action: Changing State Policy on Race in Brazil,” Latin American Research Review 39 (2004): 61.
[4] “Race in Brazil: Affirming a Divide,” 35.
[5]Skidmore, Thomas E., "Bi-Racial U.S.A. Vs. Multi-Racial Brazil: Is the Contrast Still Valid?" Journal of Latin American Studies 25 (1993): 374.
[6] Winant, Howard, "Rethinking Race in Brazil," Journal of Latin American Studies 24 (1992): 173.
[7] Ibid., 184.
[8] Ibid., 173.
[9] Skidmore, Thomas E, “Brazil's Persistent Income Inequality: Lessons from History” Latin American Politics and Society 46 (2004): 133.
[10] “The Americas: I'm Black, Be Fairer to Me; Affirmative Action in Brazil” The Economist, Oct 20, 2001, 38.
[11] “Race in Brazil: Affirming a Divide,” 35.
[12] Ibid., 35.
[13]Skidmore, Thomas E, "Bi-Racial U.S.A. Vs. Multi-Racial Brazil: Is the Contrast Still Valid?", 373-386.
[14] Htun, Mala, “From ‘Racial Democracy’ to Affirmative Action: Changing State Policy on Race in Brazil,” 63.
[15] Brazil in Black and White, PBS Online, directed by Adam Stepan, New York: Robert Stone Productions, 2007.
[16] Lloyd, Marion, “In Brazil, a New Debate Over Color,” The Chronicle of Higher Education 50 (2004): A38.
[17] Lloyd, Marion, “In Brazil, a New Debate Over Color,” A38.
[18]Ibid., A38.
[19] Htun, Mala, “From ‘Racial Democracy’ to Affirmative Action: Changing State Policy on Race in Brazil,” 80.
[20]“The Americas: I'm Black, Be Fairer to Me; Affirmative Action in Brazil,” 38.
[21] Romero, Simon, “Brazil Enacts Affirmative Action Law for Universities,” The New York Times, August 30, 2012.
[22] Glickhouse, Rachel, “Brazil’s Affirmative Action Law Marks Path for New Quotas,” Americas Society Council of the Americas, October 15, 2012, http://www.as-coa.org/articles/brazil%E2%80%99s-affirmative-action-law-marks-path-new-quotas.
[23] “Race in Brazil: Affirming a Divide,” 35.
[24] Htun, Mala, “From ‘Racial Democracy’ to Affirmative Action: Changing State Policy on Race in Brazil,” 73.
[25] Brazil in Black and White, PBS Online, directed by Adam Stepan, New York: Robert Stone Productions, 2007.
[26] “Race in Brazil: Affirming a Divide,” 35.
[27] Osava, Mario, “Race Quotas – Accused of Racism,” Inter Press Service, July 26, 2006, http://www.ipsnews.net/2006/07/brazil-race-quotas-accused-of-racism/.
[28] Lloyd, Marion, “In Brazil, a New Debate Over Color,” A38.
[29] Htun, Mala, “From ‘Racial Democracy’ to Affirmative Action: Changing State Policy on Race in Brazil,” 74.
[30] Lloyd, Marion, “In Brazil, a New Debate Over Color,” A38.
[31] “Race in Brazil: Affirming a Divide,” 35.
[32] Frayssinet, Fabiana, “BRAZIL: University Racial Quotas Bogged Down in Congress,” Inter Press Service, April 28, 2009, http://www.ipsnews.net/2009/04/brazil-university-racial-quotas-bogged-down-in-congress/.
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